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Zviad Gamsakhurdia
ზვიად გამსახურდია
Gamsakhurdia in 1989
1st President of Georgia
In office
26 May 1991 – 6 January 1992
Prime MinisterMurman Omanidze (Acting)
Besarion Gugushvili
Preceded byOffice established
Succeeded byEduard Shevardnadze (1995)
Chairman of the Supreme Council of Georgia
In office
14 November 1990 – 26 May 1991
Preceded byIrakli Abashidze
Succeeded byHimself as the Head of state;
Akaki Asatiani as the Chairman of the Parliament of Georgia
Personal details
Born(1939-03-31)31 March 1939
Tbilisi, Georgian SSR, Soviet Union
Died31 December 1993(1993-12-31) (aged 54)
Dzveli Khibula, Georgia
Cause of deathGunshot wound (disputed cause)
Resting placeMtatsminda Pantheon
Political partyRound Table—Free Georgia
  • Georgian Helsinki Union
  • Society of St. Ilya the Righteous
Spouses
  • Dali Lolua
    ​
    (divorced)​
  • ​
    ​
    (before 1993)​
ParentKonstantine Gamsakhurdia (father)
Signature

Zviad Konstantines dze Gamsakhurdia[a] (Georgian: ზვიად კონსტანტინეს ძე გამსახურდია; Russian: Звиа́д Константи́нович Гамсаху́рдия, romanized: Zviad Konstantinovich Gamsakhurdiya; 31 March 1939 – 31 December 1993) was a Georgian politician, human rights activist,[1] dissident, professor of English language studies and American literature at Tbilisi State University,[2] and writer who became the first democratically-elected President of Georgia in May 1991.[3]

A prominent exponent of Georgian nationalism and pan-Caucasianism, Zviad Gamsakhurdia was involved in Soviet dissident movement from his youth. His activities attracted attention of authorities in the Soviet Union and Gamsakhurdia was arrested and imprisoned numerous times. Gamsakhurdia co-founded the Georgian Helsinki Group, which sought to bring attention to human rights violations in the Soviet Union.

He organized numerous pro-independence protests in Georgia, one of which in 1989 was suppressed by the Soviet Army, with Gamsakhurdia being arrested. Eventually, a number of underground political organizations united around Zviad Gamsakhurdia and formed the Round Table—Free Georgia coalition, which successfully challenged the ruling Communist Party of Georgia in the 1990 elections. Gamsakhurdia was elected as the President of Georgia in 1991, gaining 87% of votes in the election. Despite popular support, Gamsakhurdia found significant opposition from the urban intelligentsia and former Soviet nomenklatura, as well as from his own ranks. In early 1992 Gamsakhurdia was overthrown by warlords Tengiz Kitovani, Jaba Ioseliani and Tengiz Sigua, two of which were formerly allied with Gamsakhurdia. Gamsakhurdia was forced to flee to Chechnya, where he was greeted by Chechen president Dzhokhar Dudayev. His supporters continued to fight the post-coup government of Eduard Shevardnadze. In September 1993, Gamsakhurdia returned to Georgia and tried to regain power. Despite initial success, the rebellion was eventually crushed by government forces with the help of the Russian military. Gamsakhurdia was forced into hiding in Samegrelo, a Zviadist stronghold. He was found dead in early 1994 in controversial circumstances. His death remains uninvestigated to this day.

After the civil war ended, the government continued to suppress Gamsakhurdia's supporters, even with brutal tactics. After Eduard Shevardnadze was overthrown during the 2003 Rose Revolution, Gamsakhurdia was rehabilitated by the President Mikheil Saakashvili.

Early life and education

Zviad Konstantinovich Gamsakhurdia was born in the Georgian capital Tbilisi on 31 March 1939;[3] his father, Konstantine Gamsakhurdia, was a prominent Georgian writer during the 20th century.[4] Konstantine held nationalist views and was imprisoned in the 1920s, but evaded the Stalinist purges and became influential as a historical novelist. He and his circle of fellow writers promoted Georgian culture and ethnic particularism in the Soviet centre.[5] Zviad was raised in an intellectual setting, which encouraged attention to traditional Georgian history, culture and national identity.[6]

At 16, Gamsakhurdia established an underground nationalist youth group called Gorgasliani.[3] In 1956 he participated with his fellow students, including future ally Merab Kostava, in the demonstrations in Tbilisi against de-Stalinization. He and a group of friends began distributing anti-communist Georgian nationalist pamphlets in December; they were caught and taken to court. He was arrested again in 1958 for distributing anti-communist literature and was confined to a mental hospital in Tbilisi for six months, although his familial status protected him from further sanctions.[6] In mental hospital, Gamsakhurdia was diagnosed as suffering "psychopathy with decompensation", becoming an early victim of the political abuse of psychiatry in the Soviet Union.[7]

After his release, he continued studying Western languages and literature at Tbilisi State University, eventually graduating with a degree in philology and becoming a lecturer of English language and American literature at Tbilisi State University in 1963.[3] He also found employment at the Institute of Literature of the Georgian Academy of Sciences, and joined the Georgian Writers' Union in 1966. As an academic, Gamsakhurdia turned his focus to promoting Georgian culture, criticizing falsification of history, and supporting the Georgian Orthodox Church.[8]

Human rights activism

In the 1970s, Gamsakhurdia and his dissident intellectual circle began making contact with Russian dissidents and with the Western press. In mid-1974, he co-founded a Human Rights Defense Group with Kostava and others; in 1977 they established the Georgian branch of the Helsinki Rights Watch Group.[9][10] It worked with the Moscow Helsinki Group and other Helsinki Groups throughout the country, all set up to monitor the Soviet implementation of the 1975 Helsinki Agreement, which was co-signed by Leonid Brezhnev and called for protection of human rights such as freedom of thought, conscience, religion and national self-determination.[11] Gamsakhurdia was also active in the underground network of samizdat publishers, contributing to a wide variety of underground political periodicals. In their publications, Gamsakhurdia and Kostava denounced corruption, treatment of cultural heritage, the prison system, deportation of Meskhetian Muslims,[12] and other controversies. Although he was frequently harassed and occasionally arrested for his dissidence, for a long time Gamsakhurdia avoided serious punishment, probably as a result of his family's prestige and political connections.[13]

Despite being an insider in the Georgian Writers' Union, Gamsakhurdia was expelled from the Union on 1 April 1977 after they had received information from the prosecutor's office about his illegal dissident activities. Later that month, Gamsakhurdia was arrested along with Kostava;[12] they were accused of anti-Soviet activities, including illegal distribution of books and periodicals.[b] They spent a year imprisoned before both being convicted and sentenced to three years in prison and two in exile.[13][14] Following their imprisonment, the Georgian Helsinki Group ceased to exist.[10] In 1978, Gamsakhurdia was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. In 1979, he was released[3] after publicly denouncing his dissident activism. His supporters, family and Merab Kostava claimed that his recantation was coerced by the KGB.[15] Unlike Gamsakhurdia, Kostava did not recant and remained in prison until 1987,[c] and Gamsakhurdia's reputation suffered.[18] Following his release, Gamsakhurdia returned to his literary work and organizing.[19] He continued his dissident activity, contributing to samizdat periodicals and campaigning for the release of Kostava.[15] Gamsakhurdia was arrested again in October 1981 after attending a human-rights demonstration in Mtskheta.[20] He was placed under house arrest from 1982–1983 for his campaigning on Kostava's behalf.[3]

Pro-independence movement

Leaders of the Georgian independence movement in the late 1980s, Zviad Gamsakhurdia (left) and Merab Kostava (right)

As the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev launched his glasnost reform which allowed for greater freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, and freedom of the press, the grass-roots political activism increased and eventually became commonplace in Georgia and other Soviet republics.[21] In the spring of 1985, the Georgian Helsinki Group was restarted[10] and in 1987, as Merab Kostava and other dissidents were released from prison,[22] the dissident movement, which had been gaining steam, was strengthened by new leadership. Gamsakhurdia was attacked in the press as the authorities attempted to undermine the nationalist movement. In the context of glasnost, the nationalist discourse among the intelligentsia was heightened, but still sharply divided on the issue of independence.[23]

In 1988, Gamsakhurdia became one of the founders of the Society of Saint Ilia the Righteous (SSIR), a religious-political organization which became the basis for his own political movement. Through the SSIR and the Helsinki Group, which was transformed into the Georgian Helsinki Union party in September 1989, Gamsakhurdia took part in organizing almost all of the mass protest actions demanding the independence in late 1980s.[24][10] On 9 April 1989, the brutal suppression by Soviet forces of a large peaceful demonstration held in Tbilisi, proved to be a pivotal event in discrediting the continuation of Soviet rule over the country.[25]

The central Soviet government responded by the significant changes in the Georgia's leadership, replacing its heads Jumber Patiashvili and Zurab Chkheidze. The new leadership chose a more conciliatory approach towards the opposition. The opposition leaders arrested during the 9 April tragedy, including Zviad Gamsakhurdia, were released from prison and given a greater role in the decision-making. In recognition of his enormous popularity, Gamsakhurdia was brought into negotiations with the new Soviet Georgian leader Givi Gumbaridze over impeding legislation in the Georgia's Supreme Soviet. It passed a number of measures demanded by the opposition, paving path towards the independence. Gamsakhurdia's organizations soon gained support in almost all Georgian institutions and Gamsakhurdia played a prominent role in their decisions to break their ties with the Kremlin. In February 1990, the Georgian sports association announced that it was breaking off the Soviet championships, holding its own championships with a goal of sending its team to international competitions. The ceremonies inaugurating the independent Georgian games began with Gamsakhurdia's opening remarks. The Georgian trade union organization broke off all-Union trade union organization, while the republican Komsomol declared independence from the Communist Party and all-Union Komsomol, later dissolving itself, being replaced by the new youth groups.[26] Through political strikes, mass demonstrations, hunger strikes and vigils, the opposition led by Gamsakhurdia forced the Soviet leadership to make concessions on many issues.[27]

Head of Georgia

Rise to power

The progress of democratic reforms was accelerated and led to Soviet Georgia's first democratic multiparty elections, held on 28 October 1990.[28] On 11–13 March 1990, during the meetings of pro-independence opposition parties of the Soviet Georgia in the Tbilisi Philharmonic Hotel in order to establish the "coordinating council", a split became evident in the pro-independence opposition, with two groups having different visions for the path towards independence. Gamsakhurdia and his followers argued that opposition had to come to power first through winning official elections to the Supreme Soviet and then declare independence through peaceful means, using existing legal procedures. Meanwhile, the second faction, led by Giorgi Chanturia's National Democratic Party and Irakli Tsereteli's National Independence Party, argued that Georgia needed to "win freedom before achieving independence". They argued for electing an alternative representative body and boycotting the official elections, claiming that taking part in the official elections would only serve to "legitimize the colonial status of Georgia within the Soviet system". In April, Gamsakhurdia's Helsinki Union left the forum and joined by the Monarchist Party, the Saint Ilya the Just Society, the Merab Kostava Society and other opposition groups, it established the "Round Table — Free Georgia" ("Mrgvali Magida — Tavisupali Sakartvelo") coalition. Led by Gamsakhurdia, the coalition argued for a peaceful transition, citing the example of Baltic republics. A second faction meanwhile set its own alternative elections for the "National Congress", which it imagined as a "transitional legislative body" of national liberation movement to achieve independence. However, with the abscense of Round Table and later withdrawal of People's Front party, its claims on being an alternative legislative body representing "the will of the Georgian people" was undermined.[29][30][31]

Gamsakhurdia's Round Table coalition run on the ardently pro-independence platform in the October election.[32] Gamsakhurdia campaigned tirelessly, often travelling to distant parts of Georgia in one day and holding large rallies at sports arenas.[33] The Round Table coalition secured a convincing victory, with 64% of the vote, as compared with the Georgian Communist Party's 29.6%.[34] Gamsakhurdia himself won his own race in a Tbilisi district with over 70 percent of the vote.[35] On 14 November 1990, Zviad Gamsakhurdia was elected by an overwhelming majority as chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Georgia, which made him de facto head of Georgia, albeit not a sovereign country yet.[36][37] Gamsakhurdia was voted as Georgia's new leader with 238 votes in favor to 5 against.[38]

In April 1991, Gamsakhurdia was among six candidates who registered for the presidential election. The election was held on 26 May, in a free and democratic environment. On 28 May 1991, the state newspaper "Republic of Georgia" released preliminary results, showing Gamsakhurdia's lead by a large margin, with Gamsakhurdia securing 86.52% of votes, while Valerian Advadze, who took second position, securing 7.52% of votes. On 3 June, the Central Election Commission approved a summery protocol of the election, with 86.5%, that is, 2 565 362 out of 3 594 810 voters, supporting Zviad Gamsakhurdia.[39][40]

Programme

According to Stephen F. Jones, a historian and specialist on Russian and Eurasian studies, Gamsakhurdia promoted the concept of pan-Caucasian unity, "Caucasian House".[41] Gamsakhurdia favored regional cooperation between peoples of the Caucasus and considered concepts such as a common economic zone, a "Caucasian Forum" (a regional United Nations) and an alliance against foreign interference.[41][42] "Caucasian House" was based on the idea of shared Ibero-Caucasian languages and common tribal and cultural identity among autochthonous Caucasian nations, such as Chechens, Circassians, Abkhazians and Georgians. An allegiance between Gamsakhurdia and Chechen President Dzhokhar Dudayev was seen as pivotal to its success.[41] However, Gamsakhurdia was soon overthrown after taking office, so the "realisation of the idea of Caucasianness and the Caucasian House has never gone beyond the declaratory level or imaginative projects...".[42]

In his election program, Gamsakhurdia argued for gradual privatization and transition from socialist command economy to capitalist market economy. He supported social market economy, a model which would synthesize "free labor and guarantees of social rights, respect for private property and social utility, free entrepreneurship and honest competition". This included support for: wage indexation, consumer protection, social protection of vulnerable groups, minimum wage, unemployment benefits etc. Gamsakhurdia supported price controls for certain and the most basic products.[43]

Gamsakhurdia was a deeply religious person. He believed that existing societal problems, including crime, resulted from the destruction of faith, decline of morality, and the abandonment and degradation of spiritual ideals. Gamsakhurdia thought that Georgia's political struggle for independence involved not only "national and political goals", but also "a moral revival based on religious faith and conscience".[44]

Gamsakhurdia and his supporters believed in a strong presidential system. They argued that to overcome the challenges, the country needed a strong president elected by universal suffrage. These views were shared by most Georgians.[45] In one of his interviews, Gamsakhurdia cited Charles de Gaulle as his "political ideal".[46]

Policies

Domestic policy

Upon Gamsakhurdia taking office in November 1990, one of the first laws passed by the Georgia's Supreme Council under his leadership renamed the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic into the "Republic of Georgia" and restored the state hymn, flag and seal of the Georgia's First Republic. The new Supreme Council declared a "transitional period" towards the independence, a period during which the newly elected government was to prepare the political-legal and economic foundations to the sovereign existence of Georgia.[47] The Supreme Council appointed Tengiz Sigua, a member of an opposition Rustaveli Society, as the chairman of the Georgian Council of Ministers (later renamed into a post of prime minister).[36]

Though state authorities continued to operate under the 1976 Soviet Georgian Constitution, several changes were adopted following independence to create a presidential republic.[48] Gamsakhurdia made efforts to root out the influence of mafia from the Soviet-era institutions like KGB, military and police. His one of the first conflicts with Mikhail Gorbachev occurred over designating a candidate who would become the head of Georgian KGB.[49] Gamsakhurdia also took steps to create a new military structure independent from the Soviet control. In December 1990, the Georgia's Supreme Council adopted the law which ended Soviet military draft in Georgia. As a result, only 10 percent of eligible draftees responded to call-up, the lowest percentage among all Soviet republics. Instead, in January 1991 the Georgia's Supreme Council approved the legislation which created the National Guard of Georgia.[50] The first military parade was held on Independence Day in 1991, with 10,000 soldiers of the National Guard taking their oath of service in front of President Zviad Gamsakhurdia at Boris Paichadze Stadium. Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev, through the chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Anatoly Lukyanov, instructed Gamsakhurdia to ban the creation of the Guard. The official newspaper of the Soviet Army, Krasnaya Zvezda, published an article mocking the National Guard entitled "Mr. Prefects and Mr. Guardsmen".[51]

Georgia held a referendum on restoring its pre-Soviet independence on 31 March 1991 in which 98.9% of those who voted declared in its favour.[52] The Georgian parliament passed a declaration of independence on 9 April 1991, in effect restoring the 1918–1921 Georgian sovereign state.[53][54] However, it was not recognized by the Soviet Union and although a number of foreign powers granted early recognition, universal recognition did not come until the following year. Romania became the first country to recognize the Georgian independence, on 26 August 1991.[55][56][57]

In August 1991, Georgia created a national bank and the legislature committed Georgia to issue its own currency in the future. In September 1991, the law on privatization was passed after long discussions on how to prevent "party-economic mafia" (a term used by Gamsakhurdia to refer to Communist Party leaders and administrators at various levels who controlled shadow economy of the Soviet Georgia) from becoming the primary beneficiary. On 3 May 1991, Gamsakhurdia issued a decree implementing fixed prices for some basic goods and lifting the national 5-percent sales tax on some food and services.[58][59]

The first steps towards the abolition of death penalty in Georgia came during the government of Gamsakhurdia on 20 March 1991, when the Georgian Supreme Council removed this possible punishment for four economic offences not involving the use of violence.[60] Thus, Georgia became a first former Soviet republic to take steps to abolish the death penalty.[60][61]

Foreign policy

During his rule, Gamsakhurdia maintained that Georgia would not sign New Union Treaty or interrepublican economic treaty. Georgia under Gamsakhurdia was among six Soviet republics, along with Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Moldova, and Armenia, that rejected the New Union Treaty in July 1991.[62] Gamsakhurdia called for a boycott of the 1991 Soviet Union referendum on preserving the Union and the Georgia's Supreme Council voted to do so.[63] Gamsakhurdia remarked that "the USSR law on referendum violates the sovereignty of the Republic of Georgia, because with this law the destiny of Georgia would be decided not by its citizens, but by citizens of all union republics in the Soviet Union". In response to the Soviet referendum, Georgia's Supreme Council appointed the 1991 Georgian independence referendum.[64] On 15 June 1991, in an interview to Saarländischer Rundfunk, Gamsakhurdia said that Georgia sought an eventual membership in the European Community and the United Nations, while it would develop relations with the USSR as a foreign state.[65]

In response to the Soviet crackdown on the pro-independence movement in Lithuania in January 1991, Zviad Gamsakhurdia led a pro-Lithuania rally in Tbilisi, saying that "it is impossible to preserve an empire by democratic means" and urging the opposition to Kremlin.[66]

On 31 March 1991, during the Georgian referendum, the American delegation led by Richard Nixon arrived to Georgia and met with Zviad Gamsakhurdia. The visit was unofficial, but it was still arranged by the US president George H. W. Bush. During the meeting, Gamsakhurdia said that "there is no "Soviet people" but the nations conquered by the Soviet Union".[64] Two weeks earlier, on 15 March, Gamsakhurdia met with James Baker in the US Embassy in Moscow. In an attempt to debunk the claim that "Gorbachev's Perestroika and democratic reforms would change situation in the Soviet Union", Gamsakhurdia said that they were just a façade "to preserve the neocolonialism and the imperial structures". Gamsakhurdia said that he would believe that the Gorbachev's reforms were real only if Gorbachev amended the USSR Law on Secession and made it more "fair".[64]

In an attempt to regulate the South Ossetia conflict, Gamsakhurdia met with Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian SFSR Boris Yeltsin in March 1991 in Kazbegi. At the negotiations, they agreed to establish a joint Russian-Georgian Joint Commission of Ministries of Internal Affairs to study the situation in the region, restore order and disarm the illegal groups.[67]

On 6 and 7 April 1991, representatives of Armenia, Georgia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Moldova met in Chișinău, Moldova and pledged to cooperate in their independence efforts.[68]

As Georgia was moving towards independence from the Soviet Union, the Georgian government, led by Zviad Gamsakhurdia, addressed Boris Yeltsin stating that "After the fall of the Soviet Union, the only legitimate framework for relations between the Russian Federation and Georgia can be the treaty signed between Soviet Russia and the Democratic Republic of Georgia in Moscow on 7 May 1920". Under this treaty, Russia granted de jure recognition of Georgian independence in exchange for promising not to grant asylum on Georgian soil to troops of powers hostile to Bolshevik Russia. Moscow refused, and Georgia declared Soviet troops in Georgia an occupation force.[69]

In July 1991, the Chairman of the Armenian Supreme Council Levon Ter-Petrosyan visited Tbilisi and met Georgian President Zviad Gamsakhurdia.[70]

On 3 July 1991, during a press conference, President Gamsakhurdia rejected that Georgia was considering a NATO membership.[71]

In response to George H. W. Bush's Chicken Kiev speech which supported Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev and his New Union Treaty, the government of Georgia issued a statement declaring that "the heir of Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln and others arrives ... and carries on propaganda in favor of the Union Treaty. Why didn't he call on Kuwait to sign the Union Treaty with Iraq?".[72]

Gamsakhurdia forged close ties with Chechnya, Russia's breakaway republic. Gamsakhurdia met with Chechen leader Dzokhar Dudayev during the spring of 1991 in Kazbegi, the meeting being arranged by the leader of Adjarian Autonomous Republic Aslan Abashidze.[73] Gamsakhurdia welcomed Chechnya's declaration of independence in November 1991 and attended inauguration of Dzokhar Dudayev as Chechnya's President in Grozny. While Chechnya did not receive backing from the international community, it received support and attention from Georgia, which became its only gateway to the outside world that was not controlled by Russia.[74] As a sign of moral support, on 11 November 1991 Gamsakhurdia wrote a letter to the United Nations and Russian President Boris Yeltsin, condemning his declaration of the state of emergency in Chechnya amid its proclamation of sovereignty as "a show of force against the Chechen people".[75][76]

On 13 March 1992, the President of Georgia Zviad Gamsakhurdia, at the time removed from power as a result of the coup, while in Grozny, signed a decree recognizing the independence of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria.[77][78] On 20 February 1992, Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Chechen President Dzokhar Dudayev signed join communique in Grozny. It called for the "good will of the Caucasian peoples" for the peaceful resolution all interethnic and interstate conflicts in the regions "only at the negotiating table". The sides reached agreement on a number of topics, including "the resolution of the disputed question of the return of Ingush lands only at the negotiating table and without the participation of a third side" and "the inviolability of historical borders, meaning South Ossetia, which must remain a part of Georgia". The document called Russia to play "positive role" in creating conditions for the normalizations of the Caucasus situation by withdrawing its troops from the territory as a "first positive step in this direction". The communique emphasized the necessity of forming "a pan-Caucasian home", the Union of Caucasian States.[79]

Civil conflicts

Main article: Georgian Civil War

South Ossetia

In 1989, violent unrest broke out between the Georgian independence-minded population of the region and Ossetians loyal to the Soviet Union in South Ossetian Autonomous Oblast. In September 1990 Ossetian nationalists in the South Ossetia's regional soviet declared independence from Georgia by announcing "South Ossetian Soviet Democratic Republic" loyal to Moscow. In response, the Supreme Soviet of the Georgian SSR annulled the autonomy of South Ossetia.[80] Following clashes between Georgians and South Ossetians on 12 December 1990 Gamsakhurdia declared a state of emergency in the region.[81][82]

Coup d'état

Main article: 1991–1992 Georgian coup d'état

Gamsakhurdia's rule began with heavy opposition from the National Congress. Although the Communist Party weakened significantly and was unable to make the shift from ruling party to opposition, the National Congress refused to recognize the legitimacy of the official elections and new government, continuing using the same methods they had been using against the Soviet rule — street demonstrations, rallies, hunger strikes and etc.[83]

During the 1991 Soviet coup attempt, the Russian news agency Interfax reported that Gamsakhurdia had agreed with the Soviet military that the Georgian National Guard would be disarmed, and on 23 August, he issued decrees abolishing the post of commander of the Georgian National Guard and redesignating its members as interior troops subordinate to the Georgian Ministry of Internal Affairs. In reality, the National Guard was already a part of the Ministry of the Interior, and Gamsakhurdia's opponents, who claimed he was seeking to abolish it, were asked to produce documents they claimed they possessed which verified their claims, but did not do so. Gamsakhurdia always maintained he had no intention of disbanding the National Guard.[84] In defiance of the alleged order of Gamskhurdia, the sacked National Guard commander Tengiz Kitovani led most of his troops out of Tbilisi on 24 August. By this time, however, the coup had clearly failed and Gamsakhurdia publicly congratulated Russia's President Boris Yeltsin on his victory over the putschists.[85]

The political tensions escalated in September, with daily rallies for and against President in Tbilisi. The political unrest beset the country as the clashes erupted between the opposition and the government. The demonstrations demanding Gamsakhurdia's resignation were joined by the rebel units of the National Guard. Both renegade members of the Georgian national guard and pro-Gamsakhurdia troops deployed armored personnel carriers and artillery in the city. The opposition ignored Gamsakhurdia's call to disarm. The rebellious members of the National Guard captured the city television center in Tbilisi and clashed with the police near the central power station which left four people dead and four wounded.[86][87][88]

Gamsakhurdia reacted angrily, accusing shadowy forces in Moscow of conspiring with his internal enemies against Georgia's independence movement. In a rally in early September, he told his supporters: "The infernal machinery of the Kremlin will not prevent us from becoming free.... Having defeated the traitors, Georgia will achieve its ultimate freedom." He shut down an opposition newspaper, "Molodiozh Gruzii," on the grounds that it had published open calls for a national rebellion. Giorgi Chanturia, whose National Democratic Party was one of the most active opposition groups at that time, was arrested and imprisoned on charges of seeking help from Moscow to overthrow the legal government. It was also reported that Channel 2, a television station, was closed down after employees took part in rallies against the government.[89]

On 22 December 1991, armed opposition supporters launched a violent coup d'état and attacked a number of official buildings including the Georgian parliament building, where Gamsakhurdia himself was sheltering. Heavy fighting continued in Tbilisi until 6 January 1992, leaving hundreds dead and the centre of the city heavily damaged. On 6 January, Gamsakhurdia and members of his government escaped through opposition lines and made their way to Azerbaijan where they were denied asylum. Armenia finally hosted Gamsakhurdia for a short period and rejected Georgian demands to extradite Gamsakhurdia back to Georgia. In order not to complicate tense relations with Georgia, Armenian authorities allowed Gamsakhurdia to move to the breakaway Russian republic of Chechnya, where he was granted asylum by the rebel government of General Dzhokhar Dudayev.[90]

A Military Council made up of Gamsakhurdia opponents took over the government on an interim basis.[91] One of its first actions was to remove Gamsakhurdia as president. Gamsakhurdia's supporters continued to hold rallies to support the ousted President. The Military Council opened fire with automatic weapons to disperse protesters on several occasions, resulting in several deaths. The order to shoot was given by Jaba Ioseliani, the leader of Mkhedrioni paramilitary.[91][92][93]

It was later claimed that Russian forces had been involved in the coup against Gamsakhurdia. On 15 December 1992 the Russian newspaper Moskovskiye Novosti printed a letter claiming that the former Vice-Commander of the Transcaucasian Military District, Colonel General Sufian Bepayev, had sent a "subdivision" to assist the armed opposition. If the intervention had not taken place, it was claimed, "Gamsakhurdia supporters would have been guaranteed victory." It was also claimed that Soviet special forces had helped the opposition to attack the state television tower on 28 December.[94]

The Military Council reconstituted itself as a State Council in March 1992 and, without any formal referendum or election, appointed Gamsakhurdia's old rival Eduard Shevardnadze as chairman, who then ruled as de facto president until the formal restoration of the presidency in November 1995.[95]

In exile

After his overthrow, Gamsakhurdia continued to promote himself as the legitimate president of Georgia. He was still recognized as such by some governments and international organizations, although as a matter of pragmatic politics the insurrectionist Military Council was quickly accepted as the governing authority in the country. Gamsakhurdia himself refused to accept his ouster, not least because he had been elected to the post with an overwhelming majority of the popular vote (in conspicuous contrast to the undemocratically appointed Shevardnadze).[96][97]

In November–December 1992, he was invited to Finland (by the Georgia Friendship Group of the Parliament of Finland) and Austria (by the International Society for Human Rights). In both countries, he held press conferences and meetings with parliamentarians and government officials[98]

Death

On 31 December 1993, Zviad Gamsakhurdia died in circumstances that are still unclear. It is known that he died in the village of Dzveli Khibula in the Samegrelo region of western Georgia. Gamsakhurdia's death was announced by the Georgian government on 5 January 1994. Some refused to believe that Gamsakhurdia had died at all but the question was eventually settled when his body was recovered on 15 February 1994.[citation needed] According to British press reports, his body was found with a single bullet wound to the head but, in fact, it was found with two bullet wounds to the head.[citation needed]

Years later Avtandil Ioseliani - counter-intelligence head of interim government - admitted that two special units were hunting Zviad on interim government's orders.[99]

In the first days of December 1993 two members of Gamsakhurdia's personal guard also disappeared without a trace, after being sent on a scout mission.[100][99] Some remains and ashes, never identified, were found 17 years later.[100]

Theories

A variety of reasons has been given for Gamsakhurdia's death, which is still controversial and remains unresolved. On 14 December 2018, Constantine and Tsotne Gamsakhurdia, the former president's two sons, announced concerns about the expiration of the statute of limitations set at the end of the same year for a potential investigation into the death of their father, as Georgian law set a 25-year limit for serious crime investigations. They then announced the beginning of a hunger strike.[101]

On 21 December, newly inaugurated President Salome Zurabishvili formally endorsed the request to expand the statute of limitations,[101] a move supported by opposition and ruling party members of Parliament. Less than a week later, Parliament approved a bill to expand the statute of limitations for serious crimes from 25 to 30 years after the crime, following Constantine Gamsakhurdia's hospitalization.[102][103]

On 26 December, following the setting-up of a new investigative group under the leadership of General Prosecutor Shalva Tadumadze, promising a new investigation into Zviad Gamsakhurdia's death, Tsotne Gamsakhurdia ended his hunger strike. However, the investigation failed to reach any conclusion to this day, with numerous theories about Gamsakhurdia's death floating in public discourse.[104]

Suicide

In January 1994, Gamsakhurdia's widow Manana Archvadze-Gamsakhurdia told the Interfax news agency that her husband shot himself on 31 December after being surrounded by forces of the pro-Shevardnadze Mkhedrioni militia.[105][106] The Russian media reported that his bodyguards heard a muffled shot in the next room and found that Gamsakhurdia had killed himself with a shot to the head from a Stechkin pistol. Gamsakhurdia's press service in Grozny published what they claimed was Gamsakhurdia's suicide note: "Being in clear state of mind, I commit this act in token of protest against the ruling regime in Georgia and because I am deprived of the possibility, acting as the president, to normalize the situation, and to restore law and order."[107]

Assassination

On 25 January 1994, Gamsakhurdia's son Konstantine Gamsakhurdia told Le Monde that his father "was murdered".[108]

Despite initially claiming that her husband's death was a suicide, in March 1995 his widow claimed in an interview to Trud newspaper that Gamsakhurdia was killed on orders from Eduard Shevardnadze, by his bodyguards who were together with him in hiding.[109] She accused Gamsakhurdia's finance minister Guram Abasnadze of masterminding his murder. She later alleged that Gamsakhurdia's prime minister, Besarion Gugushvili ordered one of Gamsakhurdia's bodyguards to kill him.[110]

Several Gamsakhurdia's guards claim that Gamsakhurdia committed a suicide, but the family opposes this account of events and claims that Gamsakhurdia was killed.[111] In 2007, BBC News reported that some of Gamsakhurdia's friends believed he committed suicide, "although his widow insists that he was murdered."[112]

In 2001, fugitive former Georgian intelligence chief Igor Giorgadze accused Georgian special services of murdering Gamsakhurdia.[113]

According to former deputy director of Biopreparat Ken Alibek, that laboratory was possibly involved in the design of an undetectable chemical or biological agent to assassinate Gamsakhurdia.[114]

Died in infighting

According to another version circulated in early January 1994 by the Shevardnadze's government, Gamsakhurdia was shot in a skirmish with his own allies following a quarrel. The Georgian news agency, citing a member of the Mkhedrioni paramilitary, reported that Gamsakhurdia died in Grozny after being wounded in a fight with his own associates. The Georgian Security Ministry stated that Gamsakhurdia was shot in Grozny on 30 December and died on 5 January.[107][106] The Georgian officials reported that his widow was "misinformed" and that his suicide was a rumor. An aide of Georgian Security Minister David Mumladze said that they "did not believe" in Gamsakhurdia's suicide.[115] Mumladze even claimed that Gamsakhurdia could have been murdered by his supporters to "turn him into a martyr" and suggested that it could also be linked to him falling out with his former chief commander, Loti Kobalia.[106]

Eduard Shevardnadze, after himself questioning Gamsakhurdia's suicide, sent a group of investigators to Grozny. On 8 January 1994, they reported that Gamsakhurdia committed a suicide.[116]

Burial

Gravestone of President Gamsakhurdia in Tbilisi.

Gamsakhurdia was initially buried in the village of Dzveli Khibula and later re-buried in the village of Jikhashkari (also in the Samegrelo region). Eduard Shevardnadze sent investigators to identify his body. Chechen officials asked the government of Shevardnadze to allow Gamsakhurdia's remains to be buried in his family's cemetery next to his home in Tbilisi or, in case of refusal, to transfer his body to be buried in Chechnya.[105] There were appeals to name a street in Grozny after Gamsakhurdia.[105] In February 1994, Gamsakhurdia's body was discovered by a joint commission from Georgia and Chechnya, which led to the Georgian government confirming Gamsakhurdia's death.[117] Georgian and Chechen officials agreed to have his body be flown to the Chechen capital Grozny, where his remains were buried.[118][119][120] Dudayev provided state funeral and Orthodox Christian last rites to Gamsakhurdia. During his burial in Grozny in February 1994, Dudayev stated: "We are gathered here today to give back to the earth a brave son of the Caucasus, a man who believed in freedom."[121]

On 3 March 2007, the newly appointed president of Chechnya Ramzan Kadyrov announced that Gamsakhurdia's grave – lost in the debris and chaos of a war-ravaged Grozny – had been found in the center of the city. Gamsakhurdia's remains were identified by Russian experts in Rostov-on-Don, and arrived in Georgia on 28 March 2007, for reburial. He was interred alongside other prominent Georgians at the Mtatsminda Pantheon on 1 April 2007.[112] Thousands of people throughout Georgia had arrived in Mtskheta's medieval cathedral to pay tribute to Gamsakhurdia. "We are implementing the decision which was [taken] in 2004 – to bury President Gamsakhurdia on his native soil. This is a fair and absolutely correct decision," President Mikheil Saakashvili told reporters according to the Civil Georgia internet news website.[122]

Personal life

In addition to Georgian, Gamsakhurdia was fluent in Russian, French, English and German.[123] He was a devout adherent of the Georgian Orthodox Church his entire life.[124]

Gamsakhurdia's second wife, Manana Archvadze-Gamsakhurdia, was the inaugural First Lady of independent Georgia.[125] The couple had two sons, Tsotne and Giorgi.[125]

Gamsakhurdia's only son from his first marriage is Konstantine Gamsakhurdia, who became a politician and the leader of the Tavisupleba ("Freedom") political party.[126][127][128]

Legacy

Gamsakhurdia on a 2019 postage stamp commemorating his would-be 80th birthday

On 26 January 2004, in a ceremony held at the Kashueti Church of Saint George in Tbilisi, the newly elected President Mikheil Saakashvili officially rehabilitated Gamsakhurdia to resolve the lingering political effects of his overthrow in an effort to "put an end to disunity in our society", as Saakashvili put it. He praised Gamsakhurdia's role as a "great statesman and patriot" and promulgated a decree granting permission for Gamsakhurdia's body to be reburied in the Georgian capital, declaring that the "abandon[ment of] the Georgian president's grave in a war zone ... is a shame and disrespectful of one's own self and disrespectful of one's own nation". He also renamed a major road in Tbilisi after Gamsakhurdia and released 32 Gamsakhurdia supporters imprisoned by Shevardnadze's government in 1993–1994, who were regarded by many Georgians and some international human rights organizations as being political prisoners. In 2013, Gamsakhurdia was posthumously awarded the title and Order of National Hero of Georgia by President Mikheil Saakashvili. Along with Gamsakhurdia, the title and Order of National Hero of Georgia was also awarded to his fellow dissident and friend Merab Kostava.[129] Saakashvili called Gamsakhurdia "a leading light of the national idea" who fought for his country's freedom "when no one could even image it".[129] In parallel, in March 2005 the Parliament of Georgia passed resolution "About the Legal Assessment of the Events of December–January 1991-92", which denounced the overthrow of Gamsakhurdia as an "unconstitutional armed coup".[130] Government officials as well as people pay tribute to memory of Zviad Gamsakhurdia every year on his birthday.[131][132][133] [134]

In 2014, the Georgian President Giorgi Margvelashvili announced a scholarship dedicated to Zviad Gamsakhurdia, awarded to an outstanding student studying historic literature.[123]

In 2019, the plenary room of the Parliament of Georgia was named after Zviad Gamsakhurdia, with Irakli Kobakhidze, chairman of Parliament, describing Gamsakhurdia as "the symbol of our statehood".[135][136]

The museum honoring the life of the Gamsakhurdia is located in the village of Dzveli Khibula, where Gamsakhurdia spent the last days of his life. On 3 August 2018, by order of the director of the National Agency for the Protection of Cultural Heritage of Georgia, the museum received the status of an immovable monument of cultural heritage.[137][138]

Gamsakhurdia is acknowledged as a symbol of Georgian nationalism and Georgia's national liberation in 1990s.[136][139] According to the 2020 Caucasus Research Resource Centers poll, 81% of Georgians consider Gamsakhurdia to be a true Georgian patriot, while 76% think that the overthrow of Gamsakhurdia was a bad thing for Georgia. 50% consider that independence would not be possible without Gamsakhurdia.[140][141] According to the Cambridge University study, Gamsakhurdia is seen as one of the main Georgian national heroes of the 20th century, while his arch enemy Eduard Shevardnadze is perceived as a villain.[142] Gamsakhurdia was voted as the best Georgian president in the 2019 poll by the Edison Research.[143]

Writings

Gamsakhurdia published important scientific works (including 4 monographs) on issues of Russian history, history of Georgian culture, history of Georgian literature, theology, and history of American poetry. He translated into Georgian language the works of William Shakespeare, Charles Baudelaire, Nikolai Gogol and others. He also wrote poems and fables, which have been published. In 1970, Zviad Gamsakhurdia became a member of the Writers' Union of Georgia, but later was expelled in 1977 for his anti-Soviet dissident activity.[24] Gamsakhurdia was awarded an honorary doctorate by the Georgian National Academy of Sciences for his work The Language of the Forms of the Knight in a Lordly Skin.[123]

Selected works

  • 20th century American Poetry (a monograph). Ganatleba, Tbilisi, 1972 (in Georgian)
  • The Man in the Panther's Skin" in English, a monograph, Metsniereba, Tbilisi, 1984, 222 pp. (In Georgian, English summary).
  • "Goethe's Weltanschauung from the Anthroposophic point of view.", Tsiskari, Tbilisi, No 5, 1984 (in Georgian), link to Georgian archive version, p.149
  • Tropology (Image Language) of "The Man in the Panther's Skin", monograph). Metsniereba, Tbilisi, 1991 (in Georgian)
  • Collected articles and Essays. Khelovneba, Tbilisi, 1991 (in Georgian)
  • Gamsakhurdia: a Product of the Soviet Union. Janice Bohle, University of Missouri, 1997.
  • The Spiritual mission of Georgia (1990)
  • The Spiritual Ideals of the Gelati Academy (1989) at the Wayback Machine (archived 28 April 2007)
  • "Dilemma for Humanity", Nezavisimaia Gazeta, Moscow, 21 May 1992 (in Russian)
  • "Between deserts" (about the creative works of L. N. Tolstoy), Literaturnaia Gazeta, Moscow, No 15, 1993 (in Russian)
  • Fables and Tales. Nakaduli, Tbilisi, 1987 (in Georgian)
  • The Betrothal of the Moon (Poems). Merani, Tbilisi, 1989 (in Georgian)[citation needed]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Particularly in Soviet-era sources, his patronymic is sometimes given as Konstantinovich in the Russian style.
  2. ^ The illegal works they distributed included The Gulag Archipelago by Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, and periodicals such as Okros Satsmisi (The Golden Fleece) and Sakartvelos Moambe (The Georgian Herald).
  3. ^ Although Kostava was supposed to be released from prison in 1982, he was sentenced to additional three years in camp and two years in exile in controversial circumstances for allegedly "insulting an officer of the law".[16][17]

References

  1. ^ Erdozain, Dominic (2017). The Dangerous God: Christianity and the Soviet Experiment. Cornell University Press. p. 153. ISBN 9781501757693.
  2. ^ Suny 1994, pp. 308–309
  3. ^ a b c d e f "Gamsakhurdia, Zviad (Georgia)". The Statesman's Yearbook Companion. Springer. 2019. p. 132. doi:10.1057/978-1-349-95839-9_263. ISBN 978-1-349-95838-2. S2CID 239217863.
  4. ^ Suny 1994, p. 308
  5. ^ Ivanauskas 2018, pp. 7–8
  6. ^ a b Ivanauskas 2018, p. 9
  7. ^ Zurcher 2009, p. 128: "In 1956, Gamsakhurdia was arrested during demonstrations in Tbilisi against the Soviet policy of Russification and was arrested again in 1958 for distributing anti-Communist literature and proclamations. He was confined for six months to a mental hospital in Tbilisi, where he was diagnosed as a suffering from "psychopathy with decompensation", thus perhaps becoming an early victim of what became a widespread policy of using psychiatry as a means of political suppression in the Soviet Union."
  8. ^ Ivanauskas 2018, pp. 9–10
  9. ^ Suny 1994, pp. 308–309
  10. ^ a b c d "Georgian Helsinki Group - Glossary". Дисидентський рух в Україні. 11 November 2006. Retrieved 24 July 2019.
  11. ^ Hash-Gonzalez, Kelli (2012). Popular Mobilization and Empowerment in Georgia's Rose Revolution. Lexington Books. p. 27.
  12. ^ a b Suny 1994, p. 309
  13. ^ a b Ivanauskas 2018, p. 10
  14. ^ "SOVIET UNION: Guilty As Charged". The Times. 29 May 1978.
  15. ^ a b Zurcher 2009, p. 128: "The authorities claimed that he had confessed to the charges and recanted his beliefs. His supporters, family, and Merab Kostava claimed that his recantation was coerced by the KGB, and although he publicly acknowledged that certain aspects of his anti-Soviet endeavors were mistaken, he did not renounce his leadership of the dissident movement in Georgia. Gamsakhurdia returned to dissident activities soon after his release, continuing to contribute to samizdat periodicals and campaigning for the release of Kostava."
  16. ^ Implementation of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe: Findings and Recommendations Seven Years After Helsinki : Report. U.S. Government Printing Office. 1982. p. 148.
  17. ^ "შიმშილობის ისტორიები საქართველოში". Radio Freedom. 9 November 2021. Retrieved 9 September 2024.
  18. ^ Suny 1994, pp. 319–320
  19. ^ Ivanauskas 2018, pp. 11–12
  20. ^ "Dissident sources Sunday reported the arrest of the leading nationalist figure in Soviet Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, following a human-rights demonstration two weeks ago". United Press International. 25 October 1981.
  21. ^ Linda Feldmann (6 September 1990). "Along Soviet Georgia's Boulevard of Protest". Christian Science Monitor. Tbilisi.
  22. ^ "Prominent Georgia Dissident Reported Released in Soviet". New York Times. 3 May 1987. Retrieved 9 September 2024.
  23. ^ Suny 1994, p. 320
  24. ^ a b "საქართველოს პრეზიდენტი 1991-1992 წლებში: ზვიად გამსახურდია" [President of Georgia in 1991-1992: Zviad Gamsakhurdia]. Website of President of Georgia (in Georgian).
  25. ^ Slider 1991, p. 66: "The April 9 'Tragedy', as it came to be called, had a searing effect on Georgian public. The republic leadership lost what authority it had enjoyed in the eyes of Georgians, and support for independence became overwhelming— developments confirmed by polls initiated by the Communist leadership itself."
  26. ^ Slider 1991, pp. 67–68
  27. ^ Parrott & Dawisha 1997, pp. 162–163
  28. ^ "Soviet Georgia Delays Vote". News & Record. 21 March 1990.
  29. ^ Baramidze & Rumyantsev 2014, p. 15: "On March 11–13, 1990, opposition parties held a congress of the National Forum in the Tbilisi Philharmonic Hall in order to establish the Coordinating Council of the National Liberation Movement. Following the congress, the Movement split into two groups that had different visions of Georgia's path to independence. Zviad Gamsakhrudia's supporters believed they had to come to power first and then win independence through peaceful means, while the National Congress argued it was more reasonable to win freedom before achieving independence. The debate between the two groups moved to the streets and grew into heated arguments. On October 28, 1990 the National Liberation Movement won the majority in the Supreme Soviet of the Georgian SSR, and one of its leaders, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, was elected its Chairman (Jones, 2013). In that capacity, he aimed to use legal procedure to restore Georgia's independence."
  30. ^ Jones 2012, p. 40.
  31. ^ Parrott & Dawisha 1997, p. 162: "Two of the best-known radical groups, the National Democratic Party of Georgia led by Gia Tchanturia and the Party for the National Independence of Georgia headed by Irakli Tsereteli, continued to oppose all "official " institutions including any manifestation of a Supreme Soviet. In early 1990 they urged the selection of a completely new representative body, the National Congress, and to boycott the elections. The justification for this decision was that to participate under existing conditions would be inherently unfair and would only serve to legitimize a continuation of what they described as the "colonial status" of Georgia within the Soviet system. Most other political groups, however, including more moderate political organizations such as the Rustaveli Society and the Popular Front as well as Gamsakhurdia's organizations, did not participate in the National Congress elections and concentrated instead on gaining control of the Supreme Soviet (see below). The elections, with a turnout that was probably below the minimum set by the organizers, created a body that was dominated by Tsereteli and Tchanturia."
  32. ^ Kramer, Mark (2003). "The Collapse of East European Communism and the Repercussions within the Soviet Union (Part 2)". Journal of Cold War Studies. 5 (4): 58.
  33. ^ Parrott & Dawisha 1997, pp. 174–175: "With the exception of the communist party, the Round Table was by far the best organized, with strong affiliates in most areas in the republic and many enterprises. Zviad Gamsakhurdia was a tireless campaigner, often travelling to distant parts of Georgia in one day. He attracted huge crowds, frequently at rallies held at sports arenas . The Round Table also benefited from the reverse impact of a wild attack on Gamsakhurdia by one of the leaders of the National Congress, Irakli Tsereteli, televised on election eve just as viewers were tuning in for the final five-minute appeals by the parties participating in the election."
  34. ^ "Georgia Votes for Change". Tampa Bay Times. 30 October 1990.
  35. ^ Parrott & Dawisha 1997, p. 176
  36. ^ a b Report on the USSR, Volume 2, Issues 40-52. RFE/RL, Incorporated. 1990. p. 27.
  37. ^ "Former dissident elected president of Georgia". United Press International. 14 November 1990.
  38. ^ "Soviet Georgia declares intent to break away". News & Record. 14 November 1990. Retrieved 23 July 2018.
  39. ^ Irakli Iremadze (2020). Electoral history of Georgia: 1990-2018 (PDF). Tbilisi, Georgia: Central Electoral Commission of Georgia. pp. 41–47. Retrieved 25 January 2024.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  40. ^ Nohlen, Dieter; Grotz, Florian; Hartmann, Christof (2001). Elections in Asia: A Data Handbook. Vol. 1. p. 401. ISBN 0-19-924958-X.
  41. ^ a b c Fawn, Rick (2003). Ideology and National Identity in Post-communist Foreign Policies. Psychology Press. pp. 93–94. ISBN 9780714655178.
  42. ^ a b Russo, Alessandra (2018). Regions in Transition in the Former Soviet Area: Ideas and Institutions in the Making. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 115–116. ISBN 978-3-319-60623-1.
  43. ^ Khositashvili, Mzia (2013). "Election Program of Mister Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Candidate for Presidency of Republic of Georgia: Economic Part". საქართველოს სახელმწიფოს ხელმძღვანელები: ოფიციალური დოკუმენტები, მიმართვები და ინტერვიუები ზვიად გამსახურდია საქართველოს რესპუბლიკის პრეზიდენტი (1991) [Georgian State Leaders: Official Documents, Appeals and Interviews, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, President of Republic of Georgia (1991)] (in Georgian). Vol. 2. Iridagroup. pp. 110–127. ISBN 9789941062469.
  44. ^ Baramidze & Rumyantsev 2014, p. 18: "After coming to power, he often spoke about religion, used religious themes, excerpts or comparisons in his speeches, and almost always made religious appeals or exhortations. He believed that the existing problems, including crime, resulted from the destruction of faith, decline of morality, abandonment and degrading of spiritual ideals (Khositashvili, 2013a). For him the struggle for independence meant "…not only the realization of an individual's national and political goals, but above all it involved a moral revival based on religious faith and conscience. <…> …The authority and power of the national Government must be based not only on the social and political definition of government, but primarily on religious and moral principles" (sak'art'velos resp'ublik'a, 1991i)."
  45. ^ Baramidze & Rumyantsev 2014, p. 17: "After coming to power, Zviad Gamsakhurdia and his political supporters advocated for the presidency. Speaking about the country's domestic challenges and the situation in Abkhazia at a press conference on April 10, 1991, Gamsakhurdia said that only a president elected by universal suffrage would be able to meet the challenges (sak'art'velos resp'ublik'a, 1991c). He argued that Georgian national characteristics required a strong presidential government: "a parliamentary republic here would mean the ruin of the nation and of parliament. …Presidential rule is the only means of salvation for our people. There should be a strong president and strong presidential rule… without this, Georgia cannot exist…" (Jones, 2013). Individual control of the political field (to varying degrees) seems to have been in the public interest not only under Gamsakhurdia, but also under his successors. Jones points out that most Georgians identify with and trust strong leaders and support their parties in elections (Ibid.)."
  46. ^ FBIS Report, Soviet Union, Выпуски 10–14. The Service. 1991. p. 57.
  47. ^ Nodar Asatiani; Otar Janelidze (2009). History of Georgia: From Ancient Times to the Present Day. Publishing House Petite. p. 427. ISBN 9789941906367. The first meeting of the newly elected Supreme Soviet of Georgia took place on November 14, 1990. The session was blessed by the Catholicos-Patriarch of Georgia - Ilia II. The deputies by secret ballot elected Zviad Gamsakhurdia, the speaker of the bloc "The Round Table - Free Georgia" chairman of the Supreme Soviet unanimously. A new government, headed by Tengiz Sigua, was approved. The first law of the Supreme Soviet was dedicated to changing the name Georgian SSR: the country was called the Republic of Georgia. The State emblem, the flag and anthem of the first Republic of Georgia (1918-1921) were restored as state symbols. The next law was about declaring a transitional period in the Republic of Georgia. In the transitional period whose duration was not defined, the newly elected government was to prepare the political legal fundamentals ofthe sovereign existence of Georgia, and respective economic foundations.
  48. ^ Matsaberidze, Malkhaz (2019). საქართველოს პოლიტიკური სისტემა [Political system of Georgia] (in Georgian). Tbilisi State University. pp. 438–439. ISBN 978-9941-13-830-0.
  49. ^ Parrott & Dawisha 1997, p. 166: "Under Gamsakhurdia, efforts to root out "mafia" influence were part of the motivation behind efforts to dismantle communist and Soviet-era institutions, particularly in the KGB, military, and police. Among Gamsakhurdia' s first conflicts with Gorbachev was a dispute over designating a candidate to take over the Georgian KGB. Gamsakhurdia also attempted to create a new military structure in Georgia that would be independent of Soviet control. The Soviet military draft was effectively ended on Georgian territory in 1990-91 (only 10 percent of eligible draftees responded to the fall call-up in Georgia, the lowest percentage of all the republics) and Gamsakhurdia introduced a "national guard" to be composed of men of draft age."
  50. ^ Champion, Marc (1 February 1991). "Soviet Georgia forms National Guard in Separatist Challenge to Kremlin". The Washington Post.
  51. ^ "ქართული ჯარის დიდი დღე" [Great Day of the Georgian Army]. On.ge. 30 April 2017.
  52. ^ Michael Parks (2 April 1991). "98% of Georgians Vote to Declare Republic Independent : Soviet Union: The question now is how to restore the statehood lost 70 years ago, lawmakers say. The Kremlin threatens a state of emergency". Los Angeles Times. Moscow.
  53. ^ "Georgian Republic Declares Independence". Tampa Bay Times. 10 April 1991.
  54. ^ Francis X. Clines (10 April 1991). "Secession decreed by Soviet Georgia". The New York Times.
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  56. ^ "Parliamentary Relations". Embassy of Romania in Georgia. Retrieved 23 October 2024.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  57. ^ Maka Lomadze (8 December 2016). "Romania Embassy Marks 98 Years Unification & Extolls Ties with Georgia". Georgia Today. Retrieved 23 October 2024.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
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  59. ^ Parrott & Dawisha 1997, pp. 165–166
  60. ^ a b Republic of Georgia: Death Penalty— Update (PDF). Amnesty International. January 1994. p. 5. Although discussion about the need to limit capital offences had been under way for several years on a federal level, in 1991 Georgia became the first republic in the former USSR to take concrete moves to abolish the death penalty. On 20 March parliament abolished the death penalty for four economic offences not involving the use of violence... The first moves towards abolition described above were under the government of President Zviad Gamsakhurdia, who was re-elected overwhelmingly in May 1991 in Georgia's first ever direct presidential election.
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Sources

Further reading

Political offices
Preceded by
Soviet era
 President of Georgia
1991–1992 		Succeeded by
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